The pandemic is a key issue in the recall, and that bodes well for Newsom.

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The two questions Californians have been asked are simple: Should Gov. Gavin Newsom be removed from his job? And if so, who should take his place?

But as the Sept. 14 special election date to decide Mr. Newsom’s political fate comes into clearer view, many of the state’s 22 million registered and active voters have found themselves with more questions — about what’s at stake and how to ensure their voices are heard.

Officially, the recall election is on Sept. 14. But because it is happening under an extension of pandemic rules that were created during the 2020 presidential election, that’s really more of a deadline than it is an Election Day in a more traditional sense.

Ballots returned by mail must be postmarked by Sept. 14. (You don’t need to add a stamp; you should have a return envelope.) Voters can also return their ballots to a secure drop box by Sept. 14 at 8 p.m. (Look up the ones closest to you here.)

Finally, voters can cast ballots in person — and in many places early voting is available. (You can find early voting locations here.)

All registered and active California voters should have received a ballot by mail in the past couple of weeks. You can mail that ballot back or drop it in a drop box. You can also vote in person.

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Credit…Justin Sullivan/Getty Images

You can look up ballot drop boxes near you on the California secretary of state’s website. You can also mail the ballot back.

You can track when your vote-by-mail ballot is mailed, received and counted at california.ballottrax.net/voter.

You can check whether you’re registered to vote here. If you’re not registered within 14 days of an election, in California, you can also register the day of the vote. (So, in this case, on Sept. 14.) You can learn more about same-day voter registration here.

Early voting began Sept. 4 in some areas, and all counties will have one or more locations for early voting from Sept. 11 to Sept. 14. Early voting locations that will open starting Sept. 11 and ballot drop-off locations can be found here.

Ballots returned by mail must be postmarked by Sept. 14. Ballots returned at a secure drop box must be deposited by 8 p.m. on Sept. 14.

There are 46 candidates listed on the ballot, a mix of politicians, entertainers and business people that includes the Olympian and reality television star Caitlyn Jenner; the businessman John Cox, who campaigned with a Kodiak bear; and Kevin Paffrath, a YouTube personality who in a debate suggested he’d solve California’s water problems with a pipeline to the Mississippi River.

Also on the ballot are the pink Corvette-driving Hollywood enigma Angelyne and a Green Party candidate, Dan Kapelovitz, whose official candidate bio says, simply, “Can you dig it?”

San Diego’s former mayor Kevin Faulconer, a moderate Republican, is also running, as is Kevin Kiley, a more conservative Republican state assemblyman and frequent antagonist of the governor. About half of the candidates are Republicans.

But it was the conservative talk radio host Larry Elder who emerged as a front-runner almost overnight, leveraging national name recognition. He has drawn criticism from both Democrats and Republicans but has a large and fervent base of fans.

The Republican Doug Ose, a former congressman, will appear on the ballot, but he has stopped campaigning and has endorsed Mr. Kiley after having a heart attack.

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You can, but if it’s Gavin Newsom, it won’t count. Your write-in vote also will not count unless your preferred write-in candidate is on the state’s certified list of write-in candidates.

No, and you can’t write him in. (See above.) California law prohibits the incumbent from being listed in a recall as a replacement candidate.

Yes.

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Credit…Marcio Jose Sanchez/Associated Press

No one. In fact, Mr. Newsom has encouraged voters to skip that question entirely. (Just as long as they vote “No” on the question of whether he should be recalled.)

No — your vote will count even if you answer just one.

No, only the recall. There wasn’t enough time for any ballot initiatives to qualify.

After Election Day, county election officials have to complete their work receiving and counting ballots, although we may have some idea of the vote by then, since nearly eight million ballots have already been returned and many more are expected to come in as we get closer. Counties can process early ballots and get them ready to count, but they cannot start tallying until 8 p.m. Pacific, when the polls close.

Vote counting tends to be slow in California because there are so many voters. And there is a seven-day window after the election to allow mail-in ballots postmarked on Sept. 14 to arrive.

But the large number of early returns should streamline the tally, and counties must begin reporting results to the states within two hours after the polls close.

Thirty-eight days after the election, the California Secretary of State will certify the election results and, if the recall is successful, the new governor will be sworn in.

It doesn’t matter. The recall question is determined by majority vote. If more than 50 percent of the voters vote yes on the recall, Mr. Newsom must step down as governor.

The replacement question is determined by who gets the most votes among the challengers on the ballot. So 49.9 percent of the voters can back Mr. Newsom, and he can still lose to someone who is supported by only, say, 20 percent of the electorate. On the replacement question, the winner does not need a majority to be named the next governor.

In some states, such as Oregon and Michigan, if a governor is recalled by voters, the lieutenant governor automatically gets the job. But California law states that voters must choose who replaces the governor in an election.

Of the 19 states that allow recalls of state officials, most leave the choice of replacement in the hands of voters.

The new governor would be in office for the remainder of Mr. Newsom’s term, which would be through Jan. 2, 2023. (California has a regularly scheduled election for governor next year.)

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Credit…Mike Blake/Reuters

Initially, the Republicans who started the recall disagreed with Mr. Newsom on issues like the death penalty and his opposition to President Donald Trump’s policies. The effort was widely viewed as a long shot.

Then two particular factors boosted the campaign: A judge allowed more time for leaders of the recall to gather signatures because of pandemic lockdowns. And growing frustration among some Californians over health restrictions came to a head when Mr. Newsom was seen dining maskless with lobbyists at an expensive, exclusive Napa Valley restaurant called the French Laundry after asking Californians to wear masks and stay home.

As the pandemic dragged on, recall supporters focused their arguments on the governor’s response, criticizing it as overly restrictive. Prolonged school closures drew ire during the last school year, as did pandemic unemployment fraud.

More recently, proponents have argued that broader social ills such as homelessness have worsened during Mr. Newsom’s tenure, that Democrats have de facto one-party rule in California and that the high cost of living is driving Californians out.

Mr. Newsom’s Democratic allies charge that the effort is an undemocratic far-right power grab by Trumpian extremists who would otherwise never see a Republican elected to California’s top state office.

They also note that if U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein’s term ends prematurely, the governor will appoint her replacement, which could flip the balance of power in the U.S. Senate and allow Republicans to block, for example, President Biden’s nominees to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Mr. Newsom’s supporters have lauded the governor’s handling of the pandemic, citing California’s relative success in controlling the virus, record state aid for families and businesses hurt by the pandemic and California’s swift rebound to economic health.

The recall is being funded mostly by conservative and Republican donors. Geoff Palmer, a Southern California real estate developer and Donald Trump supporter, for instance, has donated more than $1 million. John Kruger, an Orange County charter school supporter who objected to pandemic restrictions on religious gatherings, donated $500,000 to the recall at an early key point. The Republican Party has pumped money into the effort, as have national figures such as Mike Huckabee, the former Arkansas governor.

But money in favor of the recall has been dwarfed by the fund-raising against it. California law treats the recall question as a ballot issue, which means the campaigns for and against the recall can accept unlimited donations. The replacement candidates, however, must abide by a $32,400-per-election limit on individual contributions. All the donations to replacement candidates, put together, are still smaller than the governor’s war chest.

Among individual campaigns with the most money, those who have donated the maximum to Mr. Elder largely reflect the recall’s broader funding, with substantial contributions from conservative and Trump-supporting Republicans. Mr. Faulconer’s top donors include more moderate Republicans such as William Oberndorf, a major G.O.P. donor who opposed Mr. Trump’s election, and a variety of business interests. Mr. Cox, a Republican who lost in 2018 to Mr. Newsom, has largely self-funded his campaign.

The recall opposition is being funded mostly by establishment interests, organized labor and Democrats. The founder of Netflix, Reed Hastings, has donated $3 million to defend Mr. Newsom, for example. Show business and Silicon Valley have heavily donated against the recall. Labor groups — unions for teachers, prison guards, health workers and other public employees — have made major donations. So have tribal organizations in the state and major business groups such as the California Association of Realtors and chambers of commerce. Mr. Newsom used his financial edge to swamp his Republican rivals and proponents of the recall on television by a nearly four-to-one ratio in July and August, spending $20.4 million to the recall supporters’ $5.6 million, according to data provided by the ad-tracking firm AdImpact.

The Los Angeles Times, The San Diego Union-Tribune, The Mercury News, The San Francisco Chronicle and The Sacramento Bee have urged voters to vote no on the recall, arguing that, at a cost of some $276 million, it is a waste of money or that the time to vote for or against the governor is next year, when he runs for re-election.

The Orange County Register, which is traditionally a right-of-center opinion page, recommends a yes vote and endorsed Mr. Elder in an editorial that was picked up by some suburban papers under the same ownership in Southern California.

The Bakersfield Californian recommends a yes vote and endorsed Mr. Faulconer.

National newspapers also have weighed in on the recall. The New York Times came out in opposition to the recall, and The Wall Street Journal blamed it on housing policies in California.

Here is an expanded explainer. Here is an episode of “The Daily” podcast on the recall. Here is the California secretary of state’s guide to the recall.

Here is a guide from the nonprofit, nonpartisan news site CalMatters to Governor Newsom’s record. And here is a recent debate among Mr. Paffrath, Mr. Cox, Mr. Kiley and Mr. Faulconer.

Here are interviews with Mr. Elder, Mr. Kiley, Mr. Cox and Mr. Paffrath by CalMatters, a Fox News interview with Caitlyn Jenner; and an interview that The Sacramento Bee did with Mr. Faulconer.

State and local officials said the ballot holes in envelopes were placed in the envelope, on either end of a signature line, to help low-vision voters know where to sign it, said Jenna Dresner, a spokeswoman for the California Secretary of State’s Office of Election Cybersecurity.

One of the biggest unfounded rumors circulating about the election is that the holes were being used to screen out votes that say “yes” to a recall. Here’s more about how that rumor circulated online.

Most changes to the process require amendments to the State Constitution, where the right to a recall was enshrined in 1911.

Amending the Constitution takes two steps:

First, the State Legislature has to pass the proposed amendment with two-thirds in support in each house. (Alternatively, voters can collect close to a million signatures in support; experts say this route is less likely.)

Then, the amendment appears on a statewide ballot, where it requires a simple majority to become law.

There are some less fundamental changes that the Legislature could enact without voter approval, such as a ban on paid signature gathering.

But the most common ideas — such as raising the signature requirement above 12 percent, allowing the incumbent to run as a replacement candidate or having the lieutenant governor automatically replace a recalled governor — would require constitutional amendments.

Soumya Karlamangla and Davey Alba contributed reporting.